This Day in Labor History: December 26, 1996
Dec. 26th, 2025 12:00 pm
On December 26, 1996, the government of South Korea issued new repressive labor laws. The South Korean working class rose up in revolt, leading to an enormous strike that challenged the legitimacy of the Korean government.
South Korean and thus Korean labor history is a story of repression with moments of democracy that open up new possibilities. The nation was founded after World War II under American demands to hold the line against communism and the North Koreans were most certainly communists of the first order. So the U.S. supported some nasty dictatorships and repressing workers movements were central pieces of how those dictators ruled. But Koreans also demanded democracy and labor rights. In 1970, a worker named Jeon Tae-Il burned himself to death in protest over the conditions of labor in the Korean sweatshops. This event is the foundational moment in Korean labor history. It demonstrated both the desperation of the Korean working class to get basic rights and also the lengths to which workers would go to demand their rights. In the quarter-century after this, democracy had come to Korea, but only to a limited extent. This was a government still given to brutality. The 1988 Olympics did a lot to open up the country and by the mid-90s, the old ways were disappearing fast. Modernization and wealth had increasingly come to the nation. This Asian Tiger was an exploding economy. But to what extent would the working class benefit? If you were the Korean elite and the big business owners, the idea was as little as possible. It did not want to see Korean workers have labor rights and so in the mid 90s, it sought to crack down against that.
In 1996, the Korean government passed new legislation that repealed a lot of workers rights. It gave employers more power to lay off employees, to replace strikers permanently with scabs, and reduced the ability of unions to form multiple labor organizations at the same company. At first, this legislation was supposed to do more to guarantee workers rights. Kim Young San, president of Korea, formed the Labor-Management Relations Reform in April. This included union representatives. The hope was to codify more labor rights. But over the next eight months, the corporation heads of companies such as Hyundai and Samsung took over the process and sought to protect their own privileges as the extremely rich. The Korean Confederation of Trade Unions, the second largest trade federation in the nation, saw their recognition delayed until at least 2000. The final bill was passed in secret, with the minority parties not even told the legislature was meeting.
When the final bill was passed on December 26, the unions were furious. The KCTU called for a general strike. That included the workers at Hyundai and Kia. About 145,000 workers were off the job by mid-afternoon of the 27th. The next day, the legal and largest federation, the Federation of Korean Trade Unions announced a limited strike in support of the KCTU. By December 28, 372,000 workers were on strike. That they had the open support of opposition political parties bolstered the strike. This was as much about whether Korea was going to have a functioning democracy as it was about the conditions of labor. It sure didn’t hurt that a poll taken on December 29 found that 87 percent of Koreans opposed the bill and 55 percent supported the general strike. The Catholic Church, a not inconsiderable influence among wealthier Koreans especially, threw its support behind the strike. So did the International Labour Organization, which sent delegates to Korea and effectively said that the United Nations opposed this law too.
In 1996, I graduated from college and went to Korea to teach English for a year. So I was around when this was going on. I was in Suwon, south of Seoul. This was not a major center of the strike, but there was some activity. But I had friends in other cities where there were massive protests. My political consciousness was still in formation at this time and I didn’t totally understand what was happening. I was certainly interested in what was going on and took it seriously and paid attention and I was already sympathetic to workers’ causes, but I was 22 and didn’t know anything. Still, it was the first time I saw a mass strike and also the only time, since this kind of thing does not happen in the United States anymore. It was intense too. When one group of strikers thought someone was a stool pigeon, they acted, by which I mean they killed the guy. Whatever you want to think about an action like that, these workers were not messing around. In any case, witnessing this was one of the moments that really opened my eyes to being conscious about working class politics.
The workers effectively won the strike. The overwhelming strike numbers-upwards of 200,000 on any given day–threatened to devastate the Korean economy. By late January, most of the workers were back on the job as the president backed down big time and was negotiating with union leaders. On January 28, the unions called off the active strike, but threatened to return on February 18 if there were not major progress toward concessions. In truth, the unions were having trouble continuing the strike and workers needed money. On March 10, the government amended the bill, repealing some of it, though not enough, as the public sector workers, including schoolteachers were still denied full union rights and the provision to not pay union leaders remained, but the layoff provisions were pushed down the road at least. The KCTU also received legal status, which was really important.
But some of the victories didn’t last too long. That’s because the 1997 Asian economic crisis that nearly brought the region to its news meant that the International Monetary Fund had to bail out the nation and in doing so, demanded neoliberal changes to Korean labor laws that gave power to the employers. Ah, the IMF, a gift to the global elite that never stops giving.
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